Categories
HST380

Module 2: The Bai Yue People

For my second module, I decided to delve into an earlier time period and examine the Bai Yue people, specifically those residing in the southern Yue area (also known as Nan Yue). The information in this module is mainly pulled from Ancient China and the Yue by Erica Brindley, in which she examines the Yue and their relationship to the ancient Chinese nation and people. Brindley found that the term Bai Yue was mainly used by Chinese people to refer to the “dispersed and variegated groups thought somehow to be related to the peoples and cultures of the erstwhile state of Yue.” The location of these groups probably overlapped with the areas that the dispersed Yue ruling class settled, although later texts place it even further to the south and southwest.[1] It seems to have become shorthand for a much larger area than where the Yue fled, and eventually evolved into shorthand for most of modern-day southern China, including northern Vietnam (94-95).

The Bai Yue area seemed to be of special interest to various emperors throughout the years and the region was under attack/under the control of China quite regularly. Qin Shi Huang (the first Qin emperor) was one of the earliest attackers of the region, using troops to surround Bai Yue and building the Lingqu canal to transport them into the area. In 214 BC, the Qin led a massive campaign against the Western Ou area, which resulted in the colonization and defeat of the Lingnan area. However, the southern Yue area lasted during this period and held until the Han conquered the kingdom much later on.[2]
After the fall of the Qin empire, Zhao Tuo, a Qin general, conquered the lands of the southern Yue and established his own kingdom there, where he went on to rule successfully for quite some time. However, his relationship with the Han was often volatile. For example, the Empress Lu blocked off trade routes to the southern Yue and sent troops to attack the area due to a misunderstanding in her court.[3] Although lines of communication were reopened before any invasion actually occurred, this incident created distrust in Zhao Tuo. The next emperor, Emperor Wendi, took a much more conciliatory tone towards Zhao Tuo, although still demanding customary submission to the Han by the southern Yue. Apart from this submission, though, Zhao Tuo was essentially the emperor of the southern Yue, as he acted and was treated as such.[4]

After the death of Zhao Tuo in 137 BC and the accession of his grandson, Zhao Hu, to the throne (although the significance of this position remained unacknowledged by the Han), a neighboring nation attempted to attack the southern Yue and conquer the area. However, aid was sent by Han Emperor Wudi, signifying the close relationship between the southern Yue and the Han.[5] This Han-southern Yue relationship allowed Zhao Hu to keep his position as the Nan Yue ‘Emperor’, although Wudi gave him the title of “Civilizing King” and referred to him as a king rather than acknowledging him as an emperor or a royal of equal status.[6] The southern Yue continued in relative peace until the accession of Zhao Hu’s grandson, Zhao Xing in 113 BC. Zhao Xing’s young age allowed Prime Minister Lu Jia to essentially take control of the court and shape the kingdom to his whims. While the Dowager Queen wanted to submit to the Han as was customary, Lu Jia was opposed and rebelled, attempted a coup, killed the king and his mother, and established Zhao Xing’s stepbrother, Zhao Yingqi, as the new king. This incident, coupled with Lu Jia’s aggressive actions towards Han troops in the area, prompted the Han to declare war on the southern Yue in 111 BC. The Han defeated Lu Jia and the southern Yue area was colonized by the Han.[7]

After researching this information, it is once again striking to me how strong the Vietnamese identity is in this time period. Although Brindley did not focus much on the cultural differences between the southern Yue and the Han, it was still interesting to see the distinctness of the southern Yue and the Han in a political way. Even though the Han had control over the southern Yue area and its residents were forced to pay tribute to them, Zhao Tuo and his kingdom still remained strong and autonomous from the Han. This would be echoed decades later in a more culturally obvious way during the Han-Viet period in an even more significant way, since the Han-Viet people were not even native to the region, yet still adopted Viet lifestyles and traditions. The strength and longevity of Viet tradition and culture are truly amazing to see, especially after so many years of attempted suppression by various different invading nations.


[1] Brindley, Erica. Ancient China and the Yue: Perceptions and Identities on the Southern Frontier, c.400 BCE – 50 CE. United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 2018, 92.

[2] Ibid., 95

[3] Ibid., 97

[4] Ibid., 98.

[5] Ibid., 99.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Ibid., 100.

Bibliography

Brindley, Erica. Ancient China and the Yue: Perceptions and Identities on the Southern Frontier, c.400 BCE – 50 CE. First paperback edition. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 2018.

Categories
HST380

Module 3: Final Conclusions

Having done research on two distinct points in Vietnamese/Chinese history and drawn conclusions from both periods, this final module will be dedicated to finding commonalities and differences between the two, as well as my final remarks. I will start by summarizing my findings and then move into my analysis, which should provide the backbone of this module.

In module 1, I examined the emergence of the Han-Viet people in Nam Viet when Ma Yuan first entered the area in 43 A.D. The Han Viet people, despite originally being from Han China and living in a Han-controlled region, were able to develop and cling onto their own separate identity heavily influenced by the surrounding Vietnamese culture. Even the Lac lords of the area (lead by Shi Xie), despite being more intentionally Han in their traditions and educations than the average Han-Viet individual, still mainly held to many Vietnamese cultural practices and customs. This cultural independence was also present in my module 2 research, where I focused on the earlier Southern Yue kingdom led by the former Qin general Zhao Tuo. While the people of the Southern Yue were not immigrants to the area like the Han-Viet people were, the presence of the Han so close by made it rather surprising that the Southern Yue continued to have the amount of independence that it did. From 206 to 111 B.C., the kingdom of the Southern Yue was able to continue as a semi-autonomous vassal state with its own ’emperors’ and courts.

As illustrated, within both of these modules I found a strong throughline of Viet cultural independence and separation from the dominant Han culture. This was rather surprising to me, as the original point of my research was to find cultural exchanges and mixings between ancient Vietnam and ancient China. While I am certain that this occurred throughout history (and did even come up a bit in my findings), the two time periods I focused on seemed to create an image of a culturally autonomous Nam-Viet/Southern Yue rather than one that borrowed and exchanged with the Han as frequently as I thought.

However, upon further consideration, this finding does align with Vietnamese culture and identity as a whole. While I have not done extensive research into this area, it seems that Vietnam has had a long history of retaining its own distinct customs, traditions, and general way of life when faced with invading or colonizing forces. Therefore, it should not have been overly surprising to me that Han influence in the area was (relative to other regions) rather minimal during the historical periods that my research examined.

Overall, I greatly enjoyed researching the relationship between the Han and Yue people. While my research and its findings did not end up going in the direction I thought it would, I am still pleased with my findings and hope to revisit and expand upon them someday. I believe it would be interesting to examine Vietnam under the French occupation and perhaps draw parallels between the Vietnamese cultural response to the Han vs. the French. It would also be of interest to me to look at if/how Vietnamese culture made its way into Chinese spaces instead of the other way around. These two subjects could be the basis for interesting work in the future.

Categories
HST380

Module One: The Han-Viet People

For the first module of my mini-projects that will cover various aspects of the Han rule over the Yue/Nam-Viet people, I will be examining the entrance and assimilation of the Han-Viet people into the modern-day region of Vietnam’s culture and society. This occurrence and time period is of special interest to be due to my project’s overall focus on the cultural exchanges that took place between the Han people and the Yue people during modern-day China’s 1,000-year control of the Nam Viet area. However, this focus could evolve depeding upon what information presents itself, as I have had some difficulting finding sources. The vast majority of my information has been pulled from the second chapter of Keith Waller Taylor’s book, The Birth of Vietnam, which has been one of the few reliable resources that I have located that deals with this specific time period of Vietnamese/Chinese history. I will also be including an interactive timeline for better visualization of the important dates and occurrences that took place during the Han Viet era. 

The story of the Han Viet people begins with the victory of the Han general Ma Yuan (also known as the “wave-calming general”) over a Yue rebellion led by the Trung sisters.[1] After the death of the Trung sisters, he spent most of 43 A.D. building up Han administrative capacities in the Hong river province, mainly by settling Han
troops in the region and providing them with land, using former regional lords as low-level Han administrators, and instilling Han rules and codes into the local people’s way of life.[2] Significant Han immigration also began to take place during this time. Not only were Ma Yuan’s soldiers starting to begin a new life in Nam Viet, but other working-class Han immigrants were coming into the country as well, settling and
farming in the mainly agrarian society.[3]  Some ruling families also came into the region (such as the Xie family and the Ly family) and began to ‘buy up’  formerly communal land from peasants (although a more accurate descrption might be forcing them off of the land), creating great estates that, while not making up the majority of land in Nam Viet, became relatively significant to the society.[4] Both groups, although separated by their socio-economic status, came to view modern-day Vietnam as their home and began to integrate into the culture. Intermarriage, the distance to China, and the lack of many other Han immigrants to the region allowed for the formerly Han people to become “…members of the regional society and, strictly speaking, [become] no longer Chinese…Han officials in the south were both physically and psychologically isolated from what Chinese considered to be the civilized world.”[5]

The development of a separate Han Viet identity was also helped along by the fact that the Han never truly developed a successful way of ruling the heartland of Vietnam.[6] This led to numerous rebellions starting in the year 100, which were also helped along by weakening Han rule (due to a weak central court) that was unable to protect the region from invaders, rebellions/insurgencies taking place in other regions, and cruel administrators looking to make a quick profit.[7] The first rebellion in 100 A.D. was quelled by soldiers recruited by the Han from the northern regions of Nam Viet. However, a similar tactic backfired in 136, when outside forces invaded and attacked Han centers.[8] This time, locals were not willing to aid the Han, even turning against them and joining the invaders. The violence was quelled by two charismatic Han officials who were able to regain the favor of the locals, but these vastly differing reactions to Han authority showed the influence that intermarriage and cultural integration had over the lives of the Han-Viet people. Numerous uprisings occurred until the year 178, highlighting growing dissatisfaction with the Han dynasty.[9]

During this time, the Xie family became more prominent in the north part of Vietnam, allowing the Han Viet class to develop their own system of rule.[10] The main part of this time period was led by Shi Xie, who ruled for forty years as (from the Han perspective) a guardian of the frontier and (from the Viet perspective) the head of a “regional ruling class society.”[11]   Shi maintained this facade by slowly taking power away from Han officials and generals in the region while still paying tribute and respect to the Han court.[12] However, Shi eventually broke away from the Han and declared loyalty to the
Wu dynasty when the weakening Han dynasty began to fall to them.[13]
Shi remained a powerful ally for the Wu for many years to come, sending the Wu court expensive tributes to not only reinforce his loyalty but also to flaunt the wealth of his region.[14] Overall, Shi Xie was a good leader to his people, ending the era of rebellion that had crippled Nam Viet for years and bringing stability and prosperity to his people.[15]

Through this information about the Han-Viet period, some interesting
connections can be made about the cultural exchanges taking place between the Han and Viet people, as well as the formation of identity among the residence of Nam Viet. When Ma Yuan first entered Nam Viet, he sought to firmly establish Han control and influence in the region by settling Han people there and assuming Han culture would soon become dominant. However, as previously discussed, various factors actually caused the opposite to take place, forming an entirely new Han Viet identity. As Taylor puts it on page 57, “Ma Yuan made
Han rule an inescapable fact in Vietnam, but the regional ruling-class people who emerged as a result of this fact were too far from the centers of Han power and too compromised by association with a vigorous local society to be totally committed to Han civilization.” This does not mean that the group completely gave up their Han identity. The Han’s ability to gather a recruit army in Nam Viet and Shi Xie‘s adherence to “…a strong Han character” are just two examples of the Han portion of the Han Viet identity. Overall, however, the descendants of the original immigrants to the area formed a stronger Viet identity than the Han ever expected, showcasing a perfect example of both cultural mixing and exchange as well as the growth of new identities.

 


 


[1] Taylor,
Keith Weller. The Birth of Vietnam. Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1983, 39.

[2]
Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, 46-48.

[3] Taylor,
Birth of Vietnam, 53.

[4] Taylor,
Birth of Vietnam, 49-50.

[5] Taylor,
Birth of Vietnam, 53; 58.

[6] Taylor,
Birth of Vietnam, 58.

[7] Taylor,
Birth of Vietnam, 58-59.

[8] Taylor,
Birth of Vietnam, 61.

[9] Taylor,
Birth of Vietnam, 61.

[10] Taylor,
Birth of Vietnam, 70.

[11]
Ibid.

[12] Taylor,
Birth of Vietnam, 72.

[13] Taylor,
Birth of Vietnam, 73.

[14] Taylor,
Birth of Vietnam, 79

[15]
Ibid.

Bibliography

  1. Taylor, Keith Weller. The Birth of Vietnam. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983.

Categories
HST380

Project Update

In terms of where my project (which explores the relationship between China and Vietnam during the Han dynasty) is thus far, I believe things are going fairly well. I am planning that this project will be a semester-long work, so I am still in the early stages of my research and project development. However, I have been able to locate a fair amount of sources that should be quite helpful for my work (which I will link to at the bottom of this page). While at first, it was a bit difficult to locate sources for this project since so many covered much later time periods, after a bit of searching and help from Jess and Kelly I was able to gather some books and articles that seem useful for my work.

In terms of what my project will be, I have moved away from the ideas that I listed in my previous project-related blog post. Instead, I will be doing some writing, but the main part of my project will be a timeline using the Knightlab tools that Tim showcased for us in class. I plan on creating a timeline to illustrate the main section of my research and use my writing to provide contextual information. Hopefully, I will be able to start working on my timeline once I have finished my research.

Possible Sources

Nguyen, Hoai Nhan. The Occupation of Viet-Nam by China (100 BC-900 AC): Chinese Civilization, the Fortuitous Affirmations. Collection “Cher Ami, Ne Te Degonfle Pas.” Sarthe, France: Edition “Tel qui rit vendredi, demanche pleurera,” 1977.

Backus, Charles. The Nan-Chao Kingdom and Tʻang China’s Southwestern Frontier. Cambridge Studies in Chinese History, Literature, and Institutions. Cambridge Cambridgeshire ; Cambridge University Press, 1981.

Taylor, Keith Weller. “The Birth of Vietnam: Sino-Vietnamese Relations to the Tenth Century and the Origins of Vietnamese Nationhood.” University Microfilms, 1982.

Nguyên, Hoai Nhân. Chinese Civilization: Its Vietnamese Origin. Cher Ami, Ne Te Dégonfle Pas. Saint-Mars-d’Outille (72640): Tel qui rit vendredi, dimanche pleurera, 1979. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb351334689.

Brindley, Erica. Ancient China and the Yue: Perceptions and Identities on the Southern Frontier, c.400 BCE – 50 CE. First paperback edition. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 2018.

Categories
HST380

The World According to the Zhou

I think the idea that struck me most in this week’s reading was how Di Cosmo emphasized the need to couch the Zhou worldview in its proper historical and cultural context. His example at the begining of the chapter regarding a statement that one of the ministers of the Zhou court (Fu Ch’en) made regarding the Ti people espically struck me, since without the culutral and historical context that Di Cosmo provides, I would have just viewed it as an ‘us-vs-them’ mentality that was being espoused. This example, paired with a quote from page 107 (“…such clashes were presented as the expression of a great chasm between civilization and barbarism. If we take this literally, this rhetorical veneer flattens and ultimately obscures an undoubtedly more complex picture. The Chou states dealt with their northern and western neighbors in a variety of ways…”), paints a picture of the Zhou worldview as being multi-layered and complex, even when seemingly straightforward terms such as ” civilization and barbarism” are being used. I found this to be especially fasinating due to my own misinterpratation of these terms prior to reading this chapter. When we talked in class about how the Zhou viewed groups as being (generally) worse the farther away they were from the ‘center’ of civilization, I assumed their dealings with outsiders must have been few in number and violent in nature. However, from the offset of the chapter, Di Cosmo refutes this mentality (with one example being his explanation of there being “two notions of geographic space” that were explored in ancient Chinese work) and retells interesting primary-source events along the way. Thus, after this reading, I feel like my view of the Zhou worldview has become more well-rounded, critical, and concerned with learning the proper historical and cultural context for words and events.

Categories
HST380

Zoning in on My Topic

After conducting a bit more research into my chosen topic (China’s 1,000-year occupation of Vietnam, specifically the cultural relations in that period), I believe I have a somewhat clearer picture of the context of my topic and some possible routes of research that I could take. The first resource that I found to be helpful was the Encyclopedia Britannica. As Dr. D. mentioned, this resource can be a bit sluggish with updating, so it can be better to use Wikipedia in general. In this case, however, Wikipedia actually had a bit too much information for me that I had some trouble understanding, whereas the section of the Britannica entry that I focused on (“Vietnam under Chinese rule”) turned out to be an excellent primer for a complete newbie like me. Another resource that ended up providing a great overview of my topic was a section in the book “China and Vietnam: The politics of asymmetry,” which I found using Trexler Library’s database. Although this overview ended up being much briefer, I am hoping that the book will be a good starting point for me down the road, since later chapters provide a more detailed look into the history between the two nations. Aside from these introductory sources, I have been able to locate a few more books through the Trexler site, although I’m hoping to locate a few sources in the coming week.

In addition to finding sources, I have also been thinking over how I would like to convey and present my research by the end of the course. As of now, I am aiming for a more scholarly format than a creative one. While I would normally write a research paper, since that is what I am most comfortable with, I am hoping to push myself out of my comfort zone a bit. After looking over the linked resource that suggested alternatives to research papers, I am most drawn to writing an encyclopedia entry or a literature review or examing the current scholarly discussions taking place in this area, since Dr. D. mentioned that there was a fair amount of research on this topic.

Categories
HST380

My Research Topic

My topic of interest for my research is (as of now) the relationship between China and Vietnam, specifically cultural exchanges that took place between the two nations during the Han dynasty’s 1,000-year occupation of the country. My interest in this topic was first sparked by a conversation I had with a friend, who mentioned that one way of saying teacher in Vietnamese (I believe she was referring to giáo sư) was similar to the Chinese word for teacher (老师 lǎo shī). When I asked why this was, she explained that China had actually inhabited Vietnam for a very long period of time, which resulted in quite a bit of cultural exchange and blending taking place.

This surprised and intrigued me quite a bit, since I had never known that Vietnam had been occupied for such a long time. I wanted to learn more about the history of it, but because none of the classes I was enrolled in at the time were about Chinese or Vietnamese history, I did not have the time to explore it any further. Thus, when I began to think about research topics for this course, I immediately remembered my interest in China-Vietnam relations and thought that it could be a good research project to undertake. Although I do not have any prior experience with or knowledge of this topic, I am excited to delve into it and learn more in the coming weeks.

Categories
HST380

Growth Cat

I picked this cat because I love the message that mistakes are ok and a normal part of growth! Just as the image says, once we are in a safe environment, we can finally begin to test our limits, make mistakes, and, ultimately, grow.

Categories
HST271

Week 8: Women in China

One part of the reading this week that immediately caught my attention was Mao’s apparent concern with the issues of women in China. This piqued my interest because in my senior year of high school I wrote a research paper on the life of women in the U.S.S.R., with particular attention paid to women living in Soviet Russia. While doing my primary research for this project, I found out how invested Vladimir Lenin was in the rights of women living in Russia. He championed their right to work outside the home and created systems of public childcare so that they could have a family and do the work they loved. Although his plan did not work out, as it ended up creating an unbearable double shift for these mothers, Lenin’s attention to women’s rights remained me of the same attitudes that seem to be present in Mao.

Reading the information available in chapter 2 of the book The Gender of Memory: Rural Women and China’s Collective Past helped to place Mao’s concerns about women’s rights at the time in context. From what I read, women were treated absolutely terribly in China during this time. The book described their situation as being “feudal”, as there were various rules in place meant to keep women in line. From a young age girls were taught their place in society via foot binding, a practice whose only purpose was to show that a man could ‘afford’ a wife whose feet were essentially useless. Women were expected to marry quite young, serve their husband’s family, and stay quiet and content until their sons married and they could exercise some control over her. Thus, the vicious cycle started anew. In addition to all of this, women were often beaten by their husbands, both when their husbands were angry with them and when they became angry with their husbands. Either option would tend to result in some form of violence towards women. If all of this was not enough, women in China were thought of as being essentially nothing. According to the reading, if a person knocked on the door of a house and the only person inside was a woman, she would say “No one is home”. In my opinion, this perfectly illustrates just how insignificant women were in Chinese culture; if a man was not present in the home (or life) of a woman, then she did not exist.

Works Cited

Summary of Chapter 16

Hershatter, Gail. The Gender of Memory: Rural Women and China’s Collective Past. Asia Pacific Modern, 8. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011.

Categories
HST271

Show and Tell Project 2: My Life in China and America

The first thing that stood out to me in the reading for My Life in China and America was the connection between Wing Yung’s experiences and the racism that Chinese Americans experienced during this time. At the beginning of the read that Dr. D’Haeseleer assigned, Yung recounts a few of his experiences in the United States, with one specific story challenging racist ideas that people had about the Chinese during this time. After Yung politely confronted a Scottish immigrant about his behavior, the Scotsman proceeded to punch Yung in the face. Yung, stunned and upset, retaliated by punching the man even harder in the same spot, which resulted in the Scotsman grabbing Yung’s hands. At this point, a manager stepped in and asked what was happening, to which Yung responded that “…I was only defending myself. Your friend insulted me and added injury to insult. I took him for a gentlemen, but he has proved himself a blackguard” 1. Because of this comment and the sore beating that he took, the Scotsman ended up not showing his face in public for a week. Yung described this as being due to him “being whipped by a little Chinaman in a public manner”2. The incident ended up causing quite the sensation among the Chinese people living there because “no Chinese within its jurisdiction had ever been known to have the courage and pluck to defend his rights…when they had been violated or trampled upon by a foreigner”3. It also caused Yung to earn the respect of those in his community for his unwillingness to be disrespected by those around him. Yung hoped that his acts would inspire his fellow countrymen to defend themselves in the future and that “the people of China will be so educated and enlightened as to know what their rights are, public and private, and to have the moral courage to assert and defend them whenever they are invaded”4. From what I learned in the documentary, his hopes perfectly described the actions and reactions of the Chinese Americans to the discrimination that they faced during the time of the exclusion acts. From suing the United States government for their right to be recognized as citizens to demanding justice when numerous Chinese people were horrifically lynched, the Chinese Americans truly carried out Yung’s call to know and defend their basic human rights, even in the face of unspeakable odds.

The second piece of the reading that caught my attention was Yung’s journey through Taiping country, as he called it. When Yung was traveling through China, he decided to make a trip through the area taken over by the Taiping rebels. While there, he ended up meeting with Kan Wong, Hong Xiuquan’s nephew. The two had a very cordial meeting and Yung was able to suggest some reforms and improvements to the Taiping governmental system. These included establishing a military based on scientific principles, organizing a civil government, and creating a banking system with a system of currency. Wong expressed his interest in Yung’s proposals but explained that the was unable to implement them because he could not acquire the proper backing. The Taiping system of government was democratic, so any important decisions “required the consent of the majority to any measure before it could be carried out”5.

I found this democratic system of government to be surprising and yet another example of modernity within Chinese history. This type of thinking reminded me of Li Zicheng and how he displayed post Enlightenment ideals in his rebellion. Although Hong Xiuquan, or, perhaps, the people around him, were probably more deliberate with his ideology than Li Zicheng, it seems that the Chinese rebellions up to this point have both adhered to ‘modern’ ways of thinking. With this in mind, I found it interesting that Kan Wong would have been unable to get backing for the reforms that Yung suggested. It seems that although there were definitely elements of modern thought present in the Taiping movement, there was also discord and/or an unwillingness to change completely.

The final piece of this reading that caught my attention was Yung’s thoughts on the outcome of the Taiping rebellion. According to Yung, and probably most historians, the fifteen years that were spent fighting the rebellion were all for naught, for “It left no trace of its Christian element behind either in Nanking, where it sojourned for nearly ten years, or in Kwang Si, where it had its birth. In China, neither new political ideas nor political theories or principles were discovered which would have constituted the basal facts of a new form of government. So that neither in the religious nor yet in the political world was mankind in China or out of China benefited by that movement. The only good that resulted from the Taiping Rebellion was that God made use of it as a dynamic power to break up the stagnancy of a great nation and wake up its consciousness for a new national life…”6. Although Yung’s assessment is harsh, the accuracy of his statements still struck me and made me look at current events through a different lens. What seemingly large, momentous events that are occurring will end up being nothing but a blip of history, having no sway on anything domestic or international? Can that even happen anymore, what with the internet and the amount of global connectivity that it allows? I suppose that only time will tell!

Endnotes

  1. Wing Yung, My Life in China and America, (Cer Classics. Hong Kong: Reprinted by China Economic Review Pub, 2007) 42.
  2. Ibid. 43
  3. Ibid.
  4. Ibid.
  5. Ibid. 65
  6. Ibid. 72

Bibliography

Yung, Wing. My Life in China and America. Cer Classics. Hong Kong: Reprinted by China Economic Review Pub, 2007.

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